Implications of women's work for child nutritional status in sub-Saharan Africa: a case study of Nigeria
Introduction
Research concerning the implications of women's work for child nutritional status has gained popularity during the past three decades in developing countries (Leslie, 1989). This increased research is due partly to the changing economies in developing countries, from family-oriented types of businesses to businesses oriented to the application of modern technology. This transition, which also includes increases in the number of educated women, has created better opportunities for employment outside the home for women, resulting in greater participation in the labor force (Schultz, 1990). However, because women are thought to be the primary child-care providers in the home, this change has made compatibility of work with childcare (in regard to breast-feeding) more difficult but very important.
This greater labor force participation not withstanding, the majority of working women in developing countries, including sub-Saharan Africa, still works in the informal sector (or are self-employed) and are able to combine work with breast-feeding (Basu, 1996). The situation is also true in Nigeria (Di Domenico, de Cola, & Leishman, 1987). However, the general assumption that women who work in the informal sector combine work with childcare or breast-feeding needs further qualification. Some women in the informal sector may leave their children in the care of other people while engaging in their different economic activities (Wandel & Holmboe-Ottesen, 1992). Furthermore, women who work in the modern sector are not the only mothers who earn cash from their work. Because of these problems, a simple definition of women's work (those working versus those not working, self-employed versus employee, and formal or informal sector employment) may not suffice when examining the effect of women's work on health outcomes such as child nutritional status in developing countries.
Therefore, this study goes beyond these simple categorizations and examines whether women earn cash from their work and take their children to work. The study also examines the importance of these two factors on child nutritional status in Nigeria a country whose labor market offers better opportunities for women's participation in the labor market than many other African countries. Available information reveals that by the mid-1990s, women constituted about 34% of the total labor force in Nigeria, and about 43% of all working age Nigerian women worked outside the home (Neft & Levine, 1997). According to the World Bank (2000), the Nigerian economy is more developed than that of many sub-Saharan African countries, with better indicators of development and modernization (World Bank, 2000). Thus, women in Nigeria had greater opportunity for employment in the modern sector of the labor market, which may have increased their opportunities for better income. However, consequent reduction in the compatibility of work with breast-feeding and childcare may have resulted. Indeed, available data reveal a poor breast-feeding pattern in Nigeria, with about 1% of children under 6 months exclusively breast-fed there (NDHS, 1990; PRB, 1999; WHO, 1996). While agriculture (subsistence) and other informal jobs such as trading may offer better opportunities for childcare, including breast-feeding, they are more likely to offer less income-generating opportunities (Di Domenico et al., 1987).
Section snippets
How women's work affects child health
The impact of women's work on child health is rather ambiguous. Women's work is expected to have a positive effect on child health by providing greater income for food and the treatment of childhood illnesses. Yet, women's work may have a negative impact on child health by limiting the time available for childcare, including breast-feeding. The effect of women's work may also depend on the age of the child. Childcare and breast-feeding (especially exclusivity) are advocated during the first 4–6
Hypotheses
The study will test the following hypotheses:
- 1.
Women's work will have a negative effect on child nutritional status during infancy. The negative effect will be reduced when women combine work with childcare, controlling for confounding variables.
- 2.
Women's work will positively affect child nutritional status during childhood, especially when women earn cash from their work, controlling for confounding variables.
Data source and measurement of variables
The data source for this study is the 1990 Nigerian Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS). The NDHS was conducted by the Nigerian Federal Office of Statistics, and coordinated by IRD/Macro International, Inc. The NDHS collected information from 8781 women, of which 78% are currently married. Information was collected on individual, household, and community level variables, as well as proximate determinants of child health were analyzed in this study. The unit of analysis for this study is
Descriptive analysis
The descriptive statistics in Table 1 reveal that a majority of the children in the sample had mothers who were economically active, with only about one-third (32%) having mothers who were not economically active. Furthermore, most of the women who worked in Nigeria earned cash from their work. Nearly one-third of the children belong to mothers who earned cash from their work and carried them to the workplace, while about 19% of the children belong to mothers who earned cash but never carried
Summary and discussion
Evidence from the study reveals the need to have a broader definition for mother's work in sub-Saharan Africa and to examine different measures of health outcomes in children whose mothers work. Mother's work and other determinants of child health had different implications for the two health outcomes examined in this study-wasting (current nutritional status measure) and stunting (long-term nutritional status measure). The results show that in Nigeria not all types of mother's work have a
Acknowledgements
This paper was supported by Grant Number HD07237 for Research Training in Population Statistics from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. We are grateful to Phil Bardsley of the computer technical group at the Carolina Population Center, UNC-Chapel Hill for his assistance in getting the data ready for analysis.
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