Elsevier

Social Science & Medicine

Volume 61, Issue 12, December 2005, Pages 2628-2638
Social Science & Medicine

“When the obvious brother is not there”: Political and cultural contexts of the orphan challenge in northern Uganda

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2005.04.048Get rights and content

Abstract

It is estimated that two million of Uganda's children today are orphaned primarily due to AIDS. While recognising the immense impact of HIV/AIDS on the present orphan problem, this article calls for a broader historic and cultural contextualisation to reach an understanding of the vastness of the orphan challenge. The study on which the article is based was carried out among the Langi in Lira District, northern Uganda, with a prime focus on the situation of orphans within the extended family system. The data were collected through ethnographic fieldwork (8 months); in-depth interviews with community leaders (21), heads of households (45) and orphans (35); through focus group discussions (5) with adult men and women caring for orphans, community leaders and with orphans; and also through documentary review. A survey was conducted in 402 households. The findings reveal a transition over the past 30 years from a situation dominated by ‘purposeful’ voluntary exchange of non-orphaned children to one dominated by ‘crisis fostering’ of orphans. Sixty-three percent of the households caring for orphans were found to be no longer headed by resourceful paternal kin in a manner deemed culturally appropriate by the patrilineal Langi society, but rather by marginalised widows, grandmothers or other single women receiving little support from the paternal clan. This transition is partly linked to an abrupt discontinuation of the Langi ‘widow inheritance’ (laku) practice. It is argued that the consequential transformations in fostering practices in northern Uganda must be historically situated through a focus on the effects of armed conflicts and uprooting of the local pastoral and cotton-based economy, which have occurred since the late 1970s. These processes jointly produced dramatic economic marginalisation with highly disturbing consequences for orphans and their caretakers.

Introduction

The search for an “obvious brother” was frequently brought up when older informants in Amach sub-county, Uganda, described the customary process of securing care for the children of a deceased father. The concept points to the individual among the deceased's agnates who is judged to be the one most likely to provide the best care and protection for the orphaned children and, if still alive, for the widow(s). “Obvious brothers” have become rare in Amach, and this article deals with the complex question of why customary patterns of care for orphans appear to be breaking down. At the heart of the argument is a call for local economic–political and cultural contextualisation of the present-day orphan challenge in sub-Saharan Africa.

The magnitude of the recent orphan challenge in Africa has become frightening. Deininger, Garcia and Subbarao (2003) write that while in the early 1980s barely 2% of Africa's children were orphans, recent estimates (UNAIDS/UNICEF/USAID, 2004) put this proportion at as high as 12% for sub-Saharan Africa, and 15–19% in several of the countries hardest hit by AIDS. Foster and Williamson (2000) observe that of all the children orphaned by AIDS worldwide, 95% are today found in Africa where the numbers are expected to continue to rise and reach 40 million by 2010. With a population of about 25 million people, Uganda alone is currently estimated to have around two million orphans, constituting approximately 19% of all children in the country (Wakhweya et al., 2002, p. V1). This estimate is based on a definition of orphaned children aged below 18 who have lost one or both parents. This is also the definition employed in this paper, and—albeit not limited by age—this definition corresponds to the customary orphan concept of the Langi people of Lira District, northern Uganda, the people among whom the material for this paper was collected.

Throughout sub-Saharan Africa, child fostering has been widely practised as far back as history can take us and, according to Aspaas (1999) and Isiugo-Abanihe (1985), has simply been considered ‘normal’. A recent report on the situation of orphan care in 40 sub-Saharan countries states that:

extended families have assumed responsibility for more than 90 percent of orphaned children. Today, 20 percent of households with children in southern Africa are caring for one or more orphans. These family networks will continue to be the central social welfare mechanism in most countries (UNAIDS/UNICEF/USAID, 2004, p. 10).

Simultaneously it has been pointed out how AIDS has unravelled the extended family, the traditional safety net for orphans, sometimes leaving orphans in households where not a single adult is able to earn a living (Ankrah, 1993; Drew, Makufa, & Foster, 1998; Hunter, 2000; Mrumbi, 2000; Mukiza-Gapere & Ntozi, 1995; Nyambedha, Wandibba, & Aagaard-Hansen, 2003; Rutayuga, 1992; Shetty & Powell, 2003). The dramatic recent increase in numbers and the immense hardships faced by orphans have indeed particularly been linked to the HIV/AIDS pandemic that has devastated the African continent since the late 1980s. Although the consequences of the HIV/AIDS pandemic is surely located at the core of the recent orphan challenge in large parts of Africa, this article points to the need for moving beyond HIV/AIDS when we seek to grasp the broader dynamics of the present crisis unfolding at the household level in sub-Saharan Africa. In line with Madhavan (2004), we shall argue that further exploration of the complex embeddedness of local orphan scenarios is vital in order to address the challenge in the best possible way.

In this article we shall focus on transitions in care relations for orphans within the Langi extended family system, and particularly explore the complex reasons why “obvious brothers”, i.e., the customary obvious caretakers, are no longer providing adequate care and support for orphaned Langi children.

Section snippets

Study location

The material on which this article is based was collected in Amach sub-county, Lira District, in northern Uganda between June 2002 and March 2003, with brief follow-up trips in December 2003 to February 2004 and in January 2005. Amach sub-county is a rural area located some 18 km south of Lira town. According to the Ugandan national population census conducted in 2001, it has a population of 41,457. The great majority of the people of Amach are Langi of Luo ethnic origin. The main occupation is

Methods

Research on a broad and complex topic such as experiences related to the orphan challenge requires the application of a broad methodological approach. The assumption has thus been that the use of multiple methods would enable one to achieve a fuller picture of reality (Blaikie, 1991; Denzin & Lincoln, 1970). The qualitative methods employed in this study include ethnographic fieldwork, in-depth interviews, focus group discussion and documentary review, while the quantitative component consists

War and violence

UNICEF (2003, p. 9) observes that even without HIV/AIDS, the percentage of children who are orphaned would be significantly higher in sub-Saharan Africa than in other regions of the world due to past and ongoing armed conflicts. Wakhweya and colleagues (2002, p. vi) argue that the origin of the severe orphan problem in Uganda can be traced back to the brutal political history of the country, particularly during the 1970s and 1980s. The political persecution during the 9 years of Idi Amin's rule

Fostering practices

Children have been fostered on the general understanding that a child does not only belong to the biological parents but to the lineage or kinship group. According to Isaac and Conrad (1982), fostering has been promoted by perceived socio-economic benefits from the families concerned. Elder Langi informants claimed that fostering children has been a widespread practice among the Langi. They revealed that most families exchanged a child or two with relatives for varying lengths of time to

Orphans and their care-takers among the Langi today

The scenario encountered in Lira in 2003 contrasts starkly in a number of ways with the customary patterns of fostering as detailed by elder Langi informants and by earlier ethnographic accounts. The large majority of children fostered in other people's homes were found to be no longer exchanged voluntarily between families but were fostered because of the death of one or both parents. Informants indeed described that the voluntary exchange of non-orphaned children is today a dying tradition as

Discussion

This article argues that it is important to situate the present-day orphan challenge in a broad political–cultural context which moves us beyond the immediate consequences of the HIV pandemic. We argue that the present orphan crisis in northern Uganda cannot be properly understood if it is not fundamentally placed within a context of the dramatic transformations that have occurred over the past 30 years. In the case of northern Uganda, the combined effects of different large-scale armed

Acknowledgements

Many thanks go to the people of Amach in Lira District for their hospitality and participation in the fieldwork, and to Anyes Oyuku for her tireless assistance during the fieldwork. We sincerely thank the Ministry of Health, Uganda, for their practical support. The authors are moreover greatly indebted to the Centre for International Health, University of Bergen, for its support throughout the processes that culminated in the writing of this paper. Sincere thanks go to the Norwegian Government

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